c. ㉡ Interaction Structure of Samjae Capacities

㉡ Interaction Structure of Samjae Capacities

Secondly, by integrating the spatiotemporal structure^[Ch.3.103] and the interaction sequence^[Ch.3.105] of Samjae capacities, it is referred to as the "Interaction Structure of Samjae Capacities." The way in which each of the Samjae capacities interacts with each other is summarized in [Ch.3.104], and the following is an explanation of the frequently mentioned contents:

 

          1. Economic capacity can become a political force only when there is protection from armed capacity.

          2. Ideological capacity can become a political force only when there is economic capacity protected by armed capacity.

          3. Economic capacity is required for the sustainability of armed capacity.

          4. Ideological capacity determines the direction and sustainability of military and economic capacities in the long term.

 

The detailed explanation is as follows:

 

 

The spatiotemporal structure of Samjae capacities

 

First, let's examine the spatiotemporal structure of Samjae capacities^[Ch.3.103]. The range of spatial and temporal influence of each of the Samjae capacities is different. Armed capacity is powerful in a small area, but its effect is temporary. Economic capacity is visible in a moderate range and works gradually, while ideological capacity is weak in a broad area but works continuously.

 

In real political phenomena, the spatiotemporal interaction structure of Samjae capacities can be found exactly as stated here. It is difficult for a weak-willed person to resist the will of someone with a gun, but the influence of the person with the gun is limited to the time when the gun is aimed at the other person's heart and the conditions that make it possible. If the victim of the gun-wielding robber can escape in a moment of distraction, the robber's influence over the victim disappears immediately. Similarly, if a person who has gained power through conquest and war relies only on their armed capacity, their armed capacity becomes relatively weak, and they lose power immediately.

 

Phenomena related to economic and ideological capacities can also be observed in a similar manner. If there is no economic power to sustain military strength, military power is quickly depleted. Choi Chung-heon, who rose to power as a military officer during the Goryeo Dynasty, suppressed the revolt of Jowichong at the age of 25 and was promoted to Seop-jang-gun. In 1196, he killed Yi Eui-min, who was hiding in Mt. Mita, and seized power. He controlled personnel, finance, and surveillance, expanded the military system created by Gyeong Dae-seung, and entrusted his own guard with the task. He also changed the king at will. In order to maintain his power, Choi Chung-heon had to establish an economic base by creating large-scale farms in the Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do regions. "This economic capacity allowed the Choi regime to last long and became an important material basis for opposing the Mongol invasion army."

 

What is not sufficiently emphasized is the characteristic of ideological capacity, which is essential for sustaining political power in the long run, just as empires that have persisted over the long term have done so with a strengthening of ideological capacity. An example of macro-level phenomenon with rich ideological capacity is the Ottoman Empire. "The three pillars on which the Ottoman Empire developed were the traditions and ideals(Gazi) of the steppe, the high level of Islamic tradition of the Rum Sultanate, and Persian culture." All these elements correspond to ideological capacity, whose effect was manifested when the empire was conquered. Donald Quataert questions the power of religious appeal, such as the ideals of Gazi, since at the time, the Ottomans were replenishing their military power with huge numbers of Greek Christian military commanders and soldiers. Nevertheless, it is hard to deny that Gazi's ideals were essential in the early growth of the Ottoman Empire, particularly in its conquests. When the Seljuk Empire collapsed due to Mongol invasions, the Ottomans attempted to expand their influence by incorporating Turkish nomads who migrated to Anatolia, and at the time, they romanticized their wars with the Byzantine Empire as religious wars, while simultaneously promoting themselves as Gazi to incorporate Haji and Sufi influences. This policy was well received by the surrounding areas of Turkish nomads, as well as the Gazi and Sufi factions, and the Ottomans' success in their war with the Byzantine Empire was due to these efforts.

 

Therefore, in order to expand the scope and duration of political influence, it is necessary to have balanced Samjae capacities^[Ch.3.110]. For example, for a country to achieve long-term growth and stability, it is necessary to have balanced Samjae capacities. "Moscow became the center of a powerful and expanding dynasty state in the 14th and 15th centuries. This state was reinforced by tremendous wealth defined as the ruler's "inherited property," vast territories, centralized political power, military victories over rivals and the Mongol Khanate, and an ideology based on secular and religious concepts of heritage and destiny." During his 25-year reign from 1776 to 1800, King Jeongjo of the Joseon Dynasty, who led the last period of prosperity for the dynasty, pursued policies to strengthen royal power in various ways. First, he strengthened his ideological capacity by fostering a strong inner circle of loyal subjects, and second, he strengthened his armed capacity by reforming the army and seizing military power. Third, he implemented the Shinhae Tonggong policy to develop the economy. Here too, we can see that Samjae capacities were balanced and expanded.

 

 

The prerequisites for Samjae Capacities

 

Next, let us examine the interaction order of Samjae capacities. Each of the Samjae capacities must act in a certain order for their power to be effective. Armed capacity operates without any social conditions, and economic capacity operates only under the protection of armed capacity, and ideological capacity operates only on the basis of economic capacity^[Ch.3.104]. Furthermore, economic capacity must exist for armed capacity to be sustained, and even economic capacity can last for a very long time only when there is ideological capacity. Ideological capacity without economic capacity cannot have a short-term political effect.

 

Let us consider the "safe area" as the activity area protected by armed capacity, the "abundant area" as the activity area based on economic capacity, and the "self-realization area" as the area where ideological capacity is exerted. Then, as shown in [Diag.3.A.6], a "self-realization area 1" can coexist within the "abundant area" (1 or 2) which, in turn, can exist within the "safe area".

 

[Diag.3.A.6] The Areas that can Persist Based on the Operation of Samjae Capacities

 

On the other hand, in [Diag.3.A.6], neither the abundant area 3 nor the self-realization area 2 can persist continuously. The abundant area 3 is an area that is not safe from plunder threats and is at risk of pillage, while the self-realization area 2 is an area without economic abundance and with only conceptual goals. The lack of a fortress was one of the causes of the downfall of Baekje, which was "a country with great economic abundance but without a stronghold in a vast plain". Similarly, during the late 16th century famine in the Ming dynasty, when bandits emerged and carried out pillaging, people were unable to farm in the abundant area 3 and political actors in this area are likely to have their property taken away. In addition, as seen in the dispersion of Syria into Palestine, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and other regions by the British and French who were in charge of the delegation of Syria after World War I, the self-realization area 2, which is neither safe nor prosperous, is also powerless and may be oppressed or prevented from engaging in unique ideological activities due to hunger.

 

In summary, within the secure area protected by armed force, a abundant area that exhibits economic capacity can exist and within that abundant area, a self-realization area that manifests ideological capacity can persist. That is, the content can be organized as shown in the following [Diag.3.A.7].

 

[Diag.3.A.7] The prerequisites for Samjae Capacities

 

The establishment conditions of each Samjae capacity correspond to the ① prerequisite, ② actual activity, and ③ activity goal discussed in the multi-layer structure of social phenomena. As mentioned in Table 2.11, when economic activity is considered as the standard (actual activity), the prerequisite condition requires armed capacity, and the activity goal is determined by ideological capacity.

 

By the way, if we look at [Diag.2.C.2] which shows the orderliness of choice and [Diag.3.A.7] which shows the prerequisites for Samjae capacities, you can observe that the order of arrangement of Samjae capacities is reversed between the two diagrams. Specifically, in the orderliness of choice, the range corresponding to armed capacity is the smallest and the range corresponding to ideological capacity is the largest, whereas in the prerequisites for Samjae capacities, the range corresponding to armed capacity is the largest and the range corresponding to ideological capacity is the smallest. Why is that?

 

This is because the prerequisites for Samjae capacities correspond to the intensity of desires in human activities, whereas the orderliness of choice corresponds to the amount of desire satisfaction. In fact, it is a simple concept, and it may be easier to think about while looking at [Diag.3.A.8] below.

 

[Diag.3.A.8] Interrelationship of Samjae Capacities as prerequisite and Effects

 

The interrelationship between the prerequisites and effects of Samjae capacities is fundamentally based on changes in the intensity of the will to survive in accordance with the conditions for survival ([Diag.1.가]). The prerequisites for Samjae capacities depend on the priority of choice, which is in turn dependent on the intensity of desire. In other words, people strongly desire the safety of their bodies (intensity of desire) while having the weakest desire for abstract ideas, which in turn determines the conditions under which Samjae capacities operate. Therefore, when Samjae capacities act as conditions for human activities, the area in which armed capacity is established is the widest, and the area in which ideological capacity is established is the narrowest.

 

In contrast, the effects of Samjae capacities depend on the degree of satisfaction, which in turn depends on the amount of desire fulfillment. That is, if only the safety needs are met, the degree of satisfaction is very small, whereas if even conceptual needs are fulfilled, the degree of satisfaction is very high. As a result, the effects of Samjae capacities spread widely and last longer when the degree of satisfaction is high. Therefore, the area in which armed capacity exhibits its effects is the narrowest, while the area in which ideological capacity exhibits its effects is the widest. This is the relationship between the spatiotemporal range in which Samjae capacities operate^[Ch.3.103] and the interaction order of Samjae capacities^[Ch.3.105].

 

 

The Characteristics of Political Power According to Samjae Capacities

 

The size and characteristics of power are determined by the political capacities of the political actors in power relations. Therefore, to fully understand the phenomenon of power, it is necessary to understand the characteristics of each Samjae capacity.

 

Each Samjae power operates independently in political phenomena, but they also interact with each other. For example, in 1996, Microsoft spent a large sum of money on campaign donations and hiring lobbyists to solve the antitrust lawsuit, a political issue (i.e., power of force) or Park Chung-hee successfully established and realized the economic development plan by mobilizing the power of businesspeople as political power, which is an example of the interaction between military and economic capacities. How can the interaction of Samjae power be harmonized with the independence of each Samjae capacity? The answer is as follows.

 

         [Ch.3.112] Each independent Samjae power can indirectly influence other Samjae powers (capacities) only by affecting the activities of political actors (political actors, humans).

 

The way in which each Samjae capacity acts on the relevant political actor is explained in the following Table 3.15.

 

[Tab.3.15] How Samjae Capacities Function in Political and Social Phenomena

Samjae Power	Intuitive Analogy	The Effect of Power	Effect
㉠ Military Power	Pushes from behind.	Forces humans to take specific actions.	Destructive
㉡ Economic Power	Leads from the front.	Incentivizes humans to take specific actions.	Neutral
㉢ Ideological Power	Manipulates from within.	Makes humans want to take specific actions.	Productive

 

Military power is a force used to protect oneself from the threat of violence, but it can also be a force that coerces others in social relationships by using violence to compel specific actions. Military power ranges in scale from macro-level forces that threaten the security of other countries with intercontinental ballistic missiles to the power of soldiers on the battlefield who threaten prisoners. In all scales, military power forces other political actors to take specific actions desired by the powerful. Compulsion is fundamentally destructive because it involves a clash of wills even in the case of gentle or minor coercion. Therefore, the destructiveness of coercion becomes a characteristic of military power.

 

Economic power protects individuals from the threat of poverty. However, the threat of poverty persists due to material conditions and the biological conditions of political actors. Unlike a threat that can be avoided by simply distancing oneself from others, poverty is not a threat that can be avoided in such a manner.

 

Furthermore, if the threat of poverty is adequately mitigated, it does not simply disappear; rather, it results in the appearance of pleasure that all individuals desire. Thus, the economic power, like the 1849 gold rush, is a force that entices human behavior with both the threat of poverty and the desire for pleasure. While threats are destructive and desires are productive, economic power stimulates both threats and desires, and therefore, it can be considered as having an overall neutral nature.

 

Ideological power protects itself from the threat of chaos. The 'chaos' referred to here is mental or conceptual confusion. Ideological power eliminates mental confusion and enables each political actor to recognize what they want, and thereby act accordingly. In this process, there cannot be any internal conflicts or contradictions. Therefore, it is a productive force, and once it is implemented, it has a sustained effect. Keynes stated that the power held by vested interests is exaggerated compared to the gradual effect of ideas, and Le Bon indirectly attributed the destiny of the world to intellectuals. As they indicated, compared to the effects of violence and money, the power of ideas is not depleted, nor is it limited to a specific perspective. Therefore, it has a slight but sustained effect on a wide area^[Ch.3.103]. Even after the fall of the Roman Empire, the moral authority (ideological capacity) of the Empire was transferred to the organization of the Christian church and was further established more firmly in Roman Catholicism thanks to the conversion of the Frankish tribe in 496. In the East, Confucian ideology persisted even after the fall of the Han Dynasty. Therefore, the ideological capacity of society, its mental culture, is slowly created and sustained, and it slowly disappears.

 

To summarize, military power forces other political actors, economic power incentivizes them, and ideological power persuades and internalizes demands for desired actions by political actors. Depending on the content of those "actions," different Samjae capacities arise. If one accumulates wealth through forced labor with guns, economic capacity emerges. If one buys a position or honor with money, military or ideological capacities emerge. If one incites crowds with speeches, armed capacity emerges.

 

Other elements of political power, which are commonly mentioned by analysts of political phenomena, can be understood as a composite of Samjae capacities. For example, political charisma can be understood as a combination of political capacity or achievement (military power) and compensation (economic power) or moral respect (ideological power). For instance, King Chulalongkorn of Thailand, also known as Rama V, led modernization reforms, maintained independence from colonization during the era when neighboring Southeast Asian countries became colonies of Western powers, and showed diplomatic skills between Britain and France. Thai citizens came to respect the achievements of this reformist monarch, which became an important historical asset in strengthening the charisma of later monarchs such as King Bhumibol. As J. R. Wood (1981) highlighted, the political power of ideological organizations such as churches or religious groups also stems from such capacities.